Tapping Culture for a Noble Cause:Lessons from the ritual Kumuse in reinforcing Postive Health Habits in Bungoma     District,Western Kenya.

Paper Prepared For The 10th Codesria General Assembly To Be Held In Kampala, Uganda 8-12 December, 2002.

Kibaba Makokha
Dept.of Philosophy
Kenyatta University
P.O BOX 43844
Nairobi,Kenya.
tadayo@avu.org

Abstract

We are aware of many projects that endeavour to address health  related issues particularly the AIDS pandemic.Sadly many of the  projects are not as successful.This in our view is partly due to  failure to invoke appripriate communication strategy;one that takes  the indenous modes of deciphering and imparting these critical messages.

This paper is based on findings of an ongoing research under the  broad theme of Culture and Health.The study,taking a phenomenological approach utilizes the occasion of Kumuse,a central cultural practice among the Bukusu and Tachoni communitiesof Western Kenya.
The project is premised on the view that cultural practices of a community have relevance and meaning and best reflect what people do in their existential conditions.For instance,when people are part of the problem that affects them severally and collectively,they are better inclined towards finding solutions.We therefore posed a basic problem;how should the communities referred to be involvedin AIDS awareness and sensitization campaign in a way that they may identify the problem as their own?

But also aware that culture is dynamic and constantly changing to ensure survival we sought the expertise of Kumuse performers to contextualize change in historical time and how this adptive process of cultural transformationhas been at the centre of social integration.

In the project we focused on how the medium of Kumuse could be utilized to increase peoples awareness,motivate them to seek locally valid solutions and generate debate around factors that encourage the spread of Aids e.g by attacking cultural practices that contribute to  the spread of Aids,such as;wife inheritance,irresponsible sexual intercourse,beliefs that associate death caused by long spells of  illnss with witchcraftand popular perceptions that denigrate women and hence deny them their rightful place in social mobilisation and  transformation.
The ritual of Kumuse was chosen because of its centrality in the communities mentioned.But most importantly,the ritual performers are  not only great repostories of indigenous knowledge,but also social critics.They probe,question,reconstract and contest the often taken  for granted assumptions about social phenomena and issues.This  way,they are able to rel;ate this knowledge to prevailing existential  conditions.They subject cultural norms to critical scrutiny in line  with perceived realities of their cultural and social context.

Introduction

One of the greatest tragedies of our time is the HIV/AIDS pandemic and with it a myriad attendant social problems. The HIV/AIDS pandemic has ravaged communities especially in the third world African countries and continues to do so with devastating speed. Yet, the pandemic to most people particularly in the rural areas remains the most misunderstood if not misconceived. This paper is not concerned with the clinical misconceptions, but rather, the social-cultural aspects.

A cursory survey indicates differing, even contradictory perceptions of HIV/AIDS. For instance, HIV/AIDS is seen in some quarters s a manifestation of sin or punishment from God, in other quarters it is attributed to witchcraft and so on. Additionally, HIV/AIDS is also a subject of superstition and myths. For example, incidents abound in which people infected with the HIV virus, rape young girls, ostensibly on grounds that sex with a virgin by an infected person neutralizes the virus.

The ensuing different faces of HIV/AIDS may wittingly or unwittingly influence people’s perception and efforts to combat the pandemic. The apparent misrepresentation, misconception and distortion carry with them the danger of oversimplifying the problem, thereby inviting simplistic responses to an otherwise complex phenomenon.

In this paper based on ongoing research on the theme of culture and health, we share some thoughts that we feel are pertinent in addressing HIV/AIDS and related social problems. We are particularly interested in the possibility of tapping age old cultural phenomena to respond to the current problem of HIV/AIDS. For instance to use this approach to:-

The Thesis of the paper.

In the face of HIV/AIDS pandemic, the need to interrogate culture as a way of addressing the problem has become critical in social science research. The point of departure is in my view premised on the view that cultural practices of a community have relevance and meaning and as such, best reflect what people do in their existential conditions.

In view of the problem posed by HIV/AIDS this position points to a dual trajectory. Negatively that cultural practices and beliefs of a community can be catalytic to the spread of HIV/AIDS and thus, accordingly militate against efforts to contain the pandemic. Positively, that these practices and beliefs can in fact provide invaluable entry point for effective community education, mobilisation and sensitization on HIV/AIDS and related social issues. The intervention proposed in this paper is therefore a two-pronged strategy whose net effect is a richer understanding of the problem posed by HIV/AIDS in the communities.

Pertinent Issues of Interrogation

There are many projects and approaches that endeavour to address health issues, in particular, HIV/AIDS, but sadly, many are not as successful. This in our view is partly due to a failure to invoke appropriate communication strategy.

In this regard, we see a great potential in invoking indigenous cultural modes of deciphering and imparting critical messages. We attempt to bring to the fore latent capacities that lie in cultural practices that engender great potential of being harnessed and appropriated to respond to the problem of HIV/AIDS and related social issues.

The potential lies in utilizing social, cultural practices and beliefs to increase people’s awareness and motivate them to seek locally valid solutions to the problem posed by HIV/AIDS. People can learn from those practices and beliefs that enhance positive habits and attitudes. Conversely, we can utilize the same mode of communication to confront and contest those cultural beliefs and practices that hinder efforts towards addressing these issues and problems. A critical reflection on these issues such as identified in the introduction of this paper, can generate debate within a social setting that can eventually determine the way forward in terms of either changing, modifying, retaining or discarding certain socio-cultural practices and beliefs in the face of HIV/AIDS crisis.

The rationale underlying our thinking is that when people see themselves as part of a problem that affects them severally and collectively, they are better inclined towards finding solutions. In regard to HIV/AIDS, we therefore try to address a basic question; how should communities be involved in HIV/AIDS awareness and sensitization campaign, in a manner that they may identify the problem as their own?

In interrogating this issue, we also take cognizance of the fact that culture is dynamic and constantly evolving to confront new challenges and ensure survival. Insofar as this is the case therefore, the social cultural practices of a community are put in the context within which change is conceptualized in historical time, and how this adaptive process of cultural transformation can be placed at the centre of social regeneration.

Of critical importance to the question of culture and HIV/AIDS is the recognition of women as central players in social mobilization and transformation. To win the war against the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS in Africa, there is need to confront and contest some popular perceptions (taken for granted) about women and critically evaluate their role in undermining not only the status of women, but also health and well-being. Such contestation that is contextualized in the cultural base, can have more impact in addressing the issue.

Of comparable significance is the issue of terminology. We pose the question; how would we call AIDS in indigenous languages, as a means of localizing the problem? This could go so far in invoking indigenous and local knowledge as a way of complementing and enhancing the community’s scientific awareness about AIDS. This could further help in formulating appropriate responses to the problem of AIDS. In turn, this could go a long way to have communities domesticate the AIDS and related social problems, so that they can seek locally – valid solutions.

The role of right terminology cannot be under-estimated in this process. Here we have in mind the capacity of communities to come up with appropriate terminologies that can capture the clinical as well as the social aspects of AIDS. We know that some terminologies in reference to AIDS have negative connotations and tend to stigmatise both the infected and the affected. But communities can come up with terms, which are clinically accurate but also have more social sensitivity. Such terms could be regenerated and would further serve to localise the problem; thereby increasing ownership of the problem.

A case for Illustration: Lessons from Kumuse of Bukusu and Tachoni communities of Western Kenya.

The Bukusu and Tachoni comprise of about 80% of the total population of Bungoma District, Western Province, Kenya. They are also found in significant numbers in Mt. Elgon, Trans Nzoia and Lugari Districts.

In broad sense, the term kumuse in both Bukusu and Tachoni dialects simply means, public gathering. But specifically, kumuse refers to a post burial ritual performed by these two communities. There are three varieties of kumuse depending on the social standing of the deceased, in whose honour the ritual is performed.

The first and the most respected of the three is the "walking variety" performed in honour of a male elder. The minimum requirements for qualification for this variety include: not having a surviving father or elder brother, having grown siblings, among whom one must have a son who has undergone the rite of circumcision. In this ritual, the performer walks forth and back along a straight line of about 10-15 metres. The audience sit on both sides of the marked line.

The second one, the "standing variety" is performed in honour of an elderly man but one who has not fulfilled the basic requirements stipulated above. It is also performed in honour of an elderly woman. In this one, the performer remains standing in one spot as he performs the ritual.

The last one, the "sitting variety" is performed in honour of any adult male or female provided he/she has children but does not yet have grandchildren. In this one, the performer conducts the ritual in a sitting position.

It must be emphasized that the minimum necessary condition for kumuse to be performed is that the deceased must have had children. This emphasizes procreation as a means of continuity of the community. Thus, one who fails to procreate ipso facto, forfeits that honour.

The immediate audience of the occasion of kumuse is the family and relatives of the deceased. But what transpires targets the larger community, hence neighbours form a significant part of the audience. In this sense therefore, kumuse is a public forum which is inclusive, and does not discriminate anyone on the basis of age, gender or otherwise. Thus kumuse provides a forum for public counselling and that is why the ritual performer is sometimes referred to as omukambisi underscoring his role as a counsellor, comforter and even arbitrator.

On Significance of the Ritual

There are a multiplicity of rituals in African worldview and they play a crucial role in the construction of the African lifeworld. There are numerous studies that have been carried out on the importance of different types of rituals. It is not within the scope of this paper to enter into the discourse on rituals but it is significant to cite a few writers on the subject to help us appreciate the significance of the ritual of kumuse. Rapparport considers ritual as "the fundamental social act upon which human society is founded" (cited from Bauman, 1997:253). This is partly because rituals draw their significance from a realm of existence considered sacred. He notes, "rituals are considered sacred and thus most of the words spoken by the ritual performer are not their own…" (ibid).

Mugambi (1989) underscores the importance of rituals associated with death. This is expressed in terms of their capacity to help in coping with the tragic reality and inevitability of death, while at the same affirming continuity of life. Rituals accordingly provide a framework within which society poses its social questions and formulates its moralities.

Gerhman (1999) has also stressed the importance of rituals, particularly those associated with death. To him, the many rituals associated with death have the expressive function of restoring balance and well-being among the living. He writes:

the death rituals are intended to provide the dead a good entrance into the world of the spirits, purify the living from occasional uncleanliness and gradually reintroduce the living into normal life (Gerhman 1999:18).

The ritual of Kumuse more or less operates within the above general framework. While associated with mourning and sending off the deceased person, its main focus is on the living. Indeed, Kumuse, which is one of the most enduring and respected cultural practice among the Bukusu and Tachoni

communities, is closely linked to the needs of co-operate living, to ensure social cohesion, survival and continuity. Indeed both the Bukusu and Tachoni accounts root kumuse in life in communal homesteads with the expressive function of addressing these societal needs. Consider for instance the pre-requisite that one must have had children in order to be honoured with the ritual of kumuse. This emphasizes and celebrates procreation as a means of ensuring survival and continuity of the community. It is accordingly seen as a means to neutralize the tragic effects of death.

In the light of our present concerns, we see the ritual of Kumuse as being significant, in presenting an ideal context within which matters relating to culture, health and death can be articulated. Of greater significance is the centrality of kumuse in constructing the Bukusu/Tachoni lifeworld. Through kumuse therefore, the interplay of factors, social, cultural or otherwise related to health concerns can be interrogated from within their metaphysical base. In view of its centrality in the Bukusu/Tachoni worldview, our research has identified areas of great potential to be tapped in responding to the problem posed by HIV/AIDS and related social issues. We shall presently single out three such possibilities.

KUMUSE AS A MODE OF COMMUNICATION

In an earlier section of this paper, we indicated that some efforts to address HIV/AIDS and related social problems have not been as successful owing to their modes of communication. Convinced thus, we have proceeded to argue that to effectively deal with the issue of HIV/AIDS and related social problems, an appropriate communication strategy must be adopted. It is in this regard that we have proposed the ritual of kumuse as providing such a suitable framework of an effective communication mode.

The communicative capacity of rituals in general has been acknowledged by many scholars. For instance, Mbiti ( 1975:131) notes that by employing words, symbols and actions, rituals provide effective modes of communication. He states that the ritual word is powerful, insofar as it is presented in seriousness and solemnity and as a result of its repetitiveness.

Arguing along similar lines, Rappaport underscores the centrality of performance to ritual. He writes:

performance itself is an aspect of that which is performed. The medium is part of the message; more precisely it is a meta-message about whatever is encoded in the ritual (c.f Bauman, 1997:250).

Looking at the ritual of kumuse, like other rituals, it employs varied communicative devices. These include songs, proverbs, riddles, narratives and general oratory skills. The ritual of kumuse involves re-enacting significant historical events in the context of the local community. For instance, the ritual leader, re-enacts myths, legends and tries to relate them to specific issues of the time (see Karani, 1992).

By employing the myriad communication strategies identified above kumuse emerges as an ingenious mode of communication. The moment is both serious enough, and also fairly relaxed and light. The ritual of kumuse comes as it does, when people have healed from the tragic effect of lose of a dear one. The prevailing moods and modes of communication combine in an ingenious way to provide an ideal moment of passing on critical societal messages, vividly, candidly and succinctly.

The ritual of kumuse thus provides a perfect communication moment rooted in the people’s' cultural context. The community congregates, not only to mourn a departed member, but also to engage in a moment of learning and reflection. And due to the centrality of kumuse among the Bukusu and Tachoni communities, key issues of societal concern are raised and resolved. Kumuse is also an interactive process, in which occasionally the views of people in the audience are solicited and engaged by the ritual performer and likewise the audience would raise some issues to engage the ritual performer. In this encounter, a dialogue is created in which important issues particularly cultural that affect people severally and collectively are raised and candidly confronted.

In this dialectical process, kumuse provides a moment of social reflection and responsibility, an occasion of stocktaking, not just because the community has lost one of its own, but because the inevitability of death has to be rationalised in a manner that allows the living to live a fuller life. Of great significance also, through this ritual, a social context is created within which the living and their ancestors are in a dialogue so that the fundamental ethos and philosophies of the community can be dramatised to ensure stability as well as continuity.

In this process, the ritual performer enters into what in phenomenological discourse is process called 'eidetic intuition'. In this, "one perceives the world as it comes afresh from phenomena and is able to thereby intuit new realities or at least achieve a more complex understanding of reality than had previously attained" (Cox 1992:18). By re-enacting-myths, legends, and dramatising historical moments and events, kumuse enters into their eidetic intuition. By relating these to prevailing existential situations of the participants, by constantly engaging the prevailing cultural practices, the ritual performer sensitizes people to new realities.

One can therefore reasonably argue that Kumuse is a new way of understanding ourselves, our communities or societies. This new self and collective consciousness would have great bearing on attitudinal change. That this can provide an effective mode of communicating critical messages related to HIV/AIDS and related social problems can hardly be difficult to acknowledge.

Kumuse as a Mode of Interpretation

In the introduction of this paper, it has been intimated that HIV/AIDS remains one of the most misunderstood if not misrepresented phenomenon. It has been characterized variously and attributed to many causes such as, witchcraft, sin, punishment from God, in as much as it has also been mystified. These misconceptions militate against efforts to effectively deal with the problem. To surmount these misconceptions, there is need to adopt a more appropriate mode or framework of interpretation.

The mode of interpretation that we are trying to defend in this paper is one which addresses a multifaceted problem such as HIV/AIDS with socio-cultural ramifications within its cultural context. This is premised on the view that the values, norms, in a word cultural morality of a community greatly influence attempts to fully understand the crises that arise within that socio-cultural context. This view has been adequately defended by different shades of respected opinion. For instance, Harris (2000:66) brings out the complex nexus involving medical discourse and what he calls, "everyday social practices and life spaces". Proceeding with this line of thought, Harris is convinced that;

for communities to realise some progress in combating HIV/AIDS, there is need for these issues to be highlighted and taken into consideration in terms of people's own cultural construction and local understanding.

The ritual of kumuse is quite suitable in creating this context. In a process that is akin to what in phenomenological discourse is called, "empathetic interpolation" (Cox 1992:18), kumuse immerses itself into the cultural life world of the two communities and tries to interpret the social cultural problems from within this context. The cultural context being at the core of the lifeworld of a community is very critical in the process of appraisal of certain cultural practices and beliefs. Therefore a wholesale dismissal of cultural values, norms and so on of a community is likely to boomerang, in form of resentment by the participants of that culture. This way, new prescriptions on an enduring life world seen to emerge from without, may not take root, leave alone being sustainable.

The point we belabour here is that any attempts to change and transform a people’s socio-cultural base is best achieved when carefully approached from within its context. The failure to follow this, is in my view partly responsible for the persistence of such practices as wife-inheritance, female circumcision, traditional methods of circumcision etc. among communities that practice them in spite of concerted efforts to discourage or even criminalize these practices.

However, as the ritual performers of kumuse aptly demonstrate, being sympathetic and sensitive to the cultural context is not by any means to imply blind conformity to the dictates of the ways of the community. In fact what puts the ritual performers of Kumuse on a higher pedestal than the ordinary community person in their incessant search for rational explanations of the cultural practices they defend and vice versa. They always strive to remain faithful to the facts; to reality as it presents itself. For instance by emphasising the inevitability of death and disassociating every death from the effects of witchcraft and other superstitious accounts, the ritual performer exposes the vacuity of such beliefs.

It must be emphasised that these performers are not just great repositories of indigenous knowledge but they are more importantly social critics. They probe, question, reconstruct and contest the often taken for granted assumptions about social problems and issues.

This way the ritual of kumuse immerses the participants into a deeper, broader and comprehensive framework within which to reflect on issues that affect them. The merits of a comprehensive or holistic conception and interpretation of any phenomenon are too obvious to belabour here.

In the case of HV/AIDS, such a holistic approach is indispensable if we have to understand it within its complexity. This is important in order to avoid over-simplification of characterising the problem simply in terms of sin, witchcraft and the concomitant superstitions. A holistic approach enables us to diagonise and understand the problem within its larger social, economic, cultural, medical context.

By the ritual performers transcending the popular perceptions of the common people who will readily attribute HV/AIDS to the factors mentioned above, he invites people to a deeper reflection. This is significant in realising a twofold result, i.e., in debunking some misconceptions about the pandemic on the one hand and avoiding simplistic and quick fixes to an otherwise complex phenomenon on the other hand.

Of great significance also, is the strive to unveil the rationale that lie beneath the social cultural practices of the communities. This plays a significant role in social change and transformation. It is true that some of the cultural practices and beliefs, some of which have been mentioned in this paper are in dire need of critical appraissal with the view to being totally discarded. Therefore unveiling the rationale that underly these practices and beliefs provides good justification for doing away with such. At the same time, others need to be reconstructed or reinvented if not reinvigorated to help respond to current problems. For instance, contrary to popular perceptions that imply denigration of women in indigenous African communities, listening to the ritual performer extol the virtues of women in these communities, one gets the distinct impression that women occupy a central place in the lifeworld of these communities.

For example why women are not fronted in certain occasions such as in the performance of the ritual of kumuse, is justifiably rationalised. The performance of the ritual of kumuse is analogous to going to war. Therefore, by not fronting women in this direction, the womefold are shielded away from any malignant forces that would otherwise destabilise the very basis of the community.

The point is that the good reasons that are grounded in the very culture are provided that can be used to point out the inconsistencies and contradictions in the status of women in society. The same standards and reasons given to extol the virtues of women should be applied to expose those that are likely to undermine this status. This presents us with a situation where we are sensitive to the context but at the same time relying on rationale to appraise these cultural phenomena.

This way the ritual performers of kumuse are guided in relating social cultural knowledge to the prevailing existential conditions. They subject the cultural norms to critical and intellectual scrutiny in line with their perceived realities of their cultural and social context.

The Ritual Performers , their Status and Vocation

The ritual performers of kumuse are accomplished professionals who undergo a long period of training mainly in form of apprenticeship, often spanning a period of 15-20 years. The personal characters of these ritual performers are refined through this long period of training. They are subjected to strict and rigorous moral strictures.

The personal integrity of the ritual performers therefore puts them in a good stead as embodiments of moral courage and purity and are as such, seen as community role models. It is thus their wisdom and personal integrity that provide the basis upon which they draw their legitimacy and respectability in these communities. They are therefore by any estimation influential agents of social mobilisation and change.

The position of the ritual performers of kumuse in the Bukusu/Tachoni communities is reinforced by the fact that the performance of the ritual is considered a sacred calling. It is their highest moment, to reassure the community members of continuity and to underline the complexity of the phenomenon of existence and regeneration. The performer is the one who weaves the connectedness of life and death, and the logic of the cycles of creation and recreation into a comprehensive and logical structure.

By acting as a mediator between material and spiritual reality, the ritual performer, draws his efficacy not only from his training of his vocation but from special powers rooted in the supernatural realm. It should be mentioned here that indeed all-ritual performers of kumuse invoke the supernatural dimension to their vocation. Thus at the moment of performance, as the ritual performer implores for the intervention of the spiritual reality into the material reality, he manages to link up the two realms of existence and with it, the richness that can impact on the living conditions of the members of the community.

In responding to the problem posed by HV/AIDS, we are convinced of the need to address both the material as well as the spiritual needs of man. These two in our view are inextricably interconnected for in a way, both spiritual and material poverty contribute to the cause of HIV/AIDS and related problems. Hence an approach that intervenes into both, is more suited to bring out the fullness of the meaning of human existence. This in turn is more suited to arouse in our consciousness not only reason to re-think our outlook on life, but also has an impact on actual living. Additionally, this could be instrumental in dealing with the problem of stigmatisation of both the infected and the affected that has been cited as one of the factors that undermine the war against AIDS.

Conclusion

In view of the centrality and respectability of, and the social significance of kumuse, we are convinced that kumuse has great potential as an entry point in educating and sensitising people with the view to cultivating positive attitudes and habits in the light of emergent health issues, in particular, AIDS and related social problems.

By the same token through this time-honoured ritual, cultural practices and beliefs that impede efforts towards addressing AIDS and related social issues can be confronted. This approach has set in motion a dialectical process that is definitely influencing the perceptions of people regarding AIDS and related issues.

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